Introduction
Marriage,
as a social institution, is cherished and highly approved in almost every
culture of the world. It is usually contracted amidst joy, happiness and
merry-making for the couple, family members and friends. According to Omari
(1969), marriage involves the coming together of a man and a woman to raise a
family and to meet the Satisfaction of security and of an enduring affection
and companionship. in recent years, however, it has been observed that marriage
relationships seem to be deteriorating and that couples no longer seem to enjoy
each other's company. In fact, marriages all over the world have been
witnessing an increasing wave of conflicts (Click, 1975; Alvarez, !982;Adegoke
& Esere, 1998). One wonders why a social institution which calls for mutual
love, co-existence and harmony should lead to a battle field, a place of
violence, a place of assault and battering.
Wife
battering has been identified as one of the factors leading to divorce among
married couples (Truininger, 1971;Weiss 1980; Adeyemi, 1991). The incidence and
prevalence of wife battering in Ilorin Metropolis is overwhelming. In the case
register of one of the Area Courts (Area court I, No. I) in llorin, between
January 1997 and September 1998, 306 cases of divorce based mostly on spouse
battering were recorded. The problem of wife battering is an age long
phenomenon of domestic violence (Philip, 1980). The surfacing of the battered
wife as a specific problem out of many social problems occurred in Britain and
many other countries in the I960's (Bell , 1971).
There has been an increasing amount of literature on battered women (Bell,
1971; Gelles, 1974; Gelles, 1977; Rounds vile & Weissman, 1978; Walker,
1979; Mowaiye- Fagbemi & Idowu, 1997).
According
to Stank (1985), wife battering is the maltreatment of a wife by her husband.
This includes physical assault such as beating, biting, flogging, pushing,
kicking and the like. Wetzel and Ross (1983) added that a little push to get a
wife out of the way or holding her to keep her in control and other actions
that may result into injuries requiring hospitalization are all forms of wife
battering. In a research study conducted by Steinmetz (1977), it was revealed
that nearly all the respondents reported the use of verbal aggression and
physical attack to resolve marital conflicts. Straus (1973), using college
students, found that 16% of them (about one out of every five) accepted that
their parents use physical force to resolve marital conflicts. Also, Gelles
(1974), in an in-depth interview of 50 families, reported that 60% (three out
of every five) of the husbands and wives had used physical aggression during
marital conflicts.
The
fact that wife battering has persisted suggests that the society is yet to take
the issue seriously. The American National Commission on the Causes and
Prevention of Crime and Violence found in large representative samples that
between one-fourth and one-fifth of the adults questioned felt that it was
acceptable for spouses to hit each other under certain circumstances
(Stark& McEvoy, 1970). Some people do not seem to feel concerned about wife
battering because they seem to believe that the man's home is his kingdom, a
private institution where he is the king and where the interference of
outsiders is highly prohibited. As such, it requires extreme evidence such as a
severely battered spouse to gain the attention of the public.
The
enumerated examples or instances give indication that violence between husbands
and wives has long suffered from selective inattention both at the hands of the
law and the society thereby resulting in serious marital maladjustment with
adverse consequences on the couples concerned (Kitson & Holmes, 1992); the
children of the marriage (Kelly & Wallerstein, 1975), and the society at
large. This study focuses attention on one of the recipients of the effects of
wife battering - the children, in this case, secondary school students in
llorin metropolis.
The
dynamic interaction between attitudes and behaviour has received a lot of
attention in social psychological literature. Attitude is defined as mental
disposition, as it indicates opinion or allegiance (Festinger & Berstern,
1964). Attitude has also been explained by Abiri (1966) as an acquired tendency
to react either covertly or overtly in a manner which is expressive of a
certain degree of favourability or unavoidability in relation to certain
objects, persons, ideas or situations in the environment. An individual may
show a certain attitude towards an issue in reacting to his/her conception of
and feeling towards that issue rather than to its actual state of situation.
Attitudes are best expressed when the individual makes statements about his/her
feeling or opinions about certain events or ideas (Mukherjee, 1978).
Utilizing
data collected from secondary school students, this study sought to find out
the students' attitudes toward wife battering. In this context, an attitude
toward wife battering is defined. as continuum of attitudes and dispositions
ranging from opposition wife battering to overall acceptance of wife battering,
cognitive dissonance and social learning theories provide; the theoretical
frameworks for suggesting why certain independent variables are believed to be
linked with wife battering.
Briefly,
cognitive dissonance theory, as formulated by Festinger (1957) and Heider
(1958), suggests that the individual strives to maintain a state of
"consonance" or consistency between beliefs, feelings or perceptions
and behaviour. Any inconsistency between ^these cognitions and one's actions
create "dissonance", which is psychologically discomforting to the
individual. In order to maintain cognitive consistency, the child who feels
satisfied with his/her parents' marital relationship will perceive wife battering
to be a poor solution to marital discord because it is inconsistent with
his/her belief of what marriage can and should be. Accordingly, he/she will
tend to score low on attitudes toward wife battering scale. On the other hand,
the child whose parents are always fighting will be more liberal in attitudes
toward wife battering in general, and thus will score higher on the attitudes
towards wife battering scale.
Social
learning theory provides an understanding of how the family of orientation
furnishes the introductory setting for children to learn marital roles and
values in the marital subsystem. In the social learning system, learning may
occur through modelling. These learned response patterns are symbolically
coded, retained for memory representation and may serve as guides for behaviour
on later occasions (Bandura, 1971). Social learning theory provides the
rationale for making two predictions regarding wife battering liberality.
Firstly, the child is an observer of, rather than a participant in the marital
subsystem. Children reared in a family in which the marriage is functioning
effectively not only observe a viable model in which just many competencies are
portrayed, but also develop the confidence that success in marriage is
achievable (Hill & Aldous, 1969). It follows that exposure to parents who
portray high satisfaction with marriage may exemplify a particular goal or
standard for the child, as a married adult, to emulate and pursue. The
prediction is that wife battering would tend not to be considered a viable
option given prior exposure to this type of marital value system (Willin, 1
954). Secondly, social learning theory suggests the proposition that a familiar
history of wife battering tends to make the child more liberal towards wife abuse
(Omari, 1969). Thus, the child learns marital role behaviours and value system
through observations 4 parents as role models. As a result, a familiar history
of wife battering places wife battering into the child's repertoire of possible
options in dealing with discord.
Previous
studies have shown that receiving abuse as a child or observing violence
between parent's tallies with expressing and acceptance of violence as an adult
(Gelles, 1977; Steinmetz, 1917; Bernard, 1980; Straus, Gelles & Steinmetz,
1980). Gelles (1977) identified social factors related to family abuse and
violence. One such factor is a "cycle of violence" in which observers
or victims of violence during childhood are more likely than those not reared
in violent homes to be violent in their future relationships. According to
Gelles (1977), it seems that the greater the frequency of violence in a family,
the greater the probability that the person from the family will grow up to be
a violent spouse or parent. For example Straus, Gelles and Steinmetz (1980)
found that spouse battering increased from 2% to 200% as a function of having
parents who abused each other.
Furthermore,
Henslin (I960) positioned that the sources of assaults and acceptance of
marital violence most often than not result from exaggerated masculinity of a
sex role in which the male feels compelled to always be in control - the power
source and the sole determinant of what obtains in the family. Aro (1986)
explained that the relationship between husband and wife in the traditional
setting is such that the basic social principles affirmed the subordination and
subjection of female to male authority and superiority. And in the modern
society where some educated and even the less educated women are no longer
prepared to accept their traditional role in marriage (Esere, 1993), the end
result is clash of personality which ultimately leads to spouse battering. This
study is therefore pertinent and significant especially in the wake of increase
in divorce rate (Adegoke & Esere, 1998) and marital maladjustment, with its
attendant problems.
Abstract: Introduction: Research Questions: Discussion: Implications for Counselling: References:
Abstract: Introduction: Research Questions: Discussion: Implications for Counselling: References:
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